If Trump survives impeachment, it’s clear who he’ll have to thank

Donald Trump has spat out so many insults and broken so many taboos that it’s hard for any single remark to linger long in the memory. Nevertheless one line from his 2016 election campaign has endured, partly because it was a jaw-dropper and partly because it offered an early glimpse of what would later be revealed as a deep truth about both his candidacy and his presidency – and even our current world.

If Trump survives impeachment, it’s clear who he’ll have to thank

Donald Trump has spat out so many insults and broken so many taboos that it’s hard for any single remark to linger long in the memory. Nevertheless one line from his 2016 election campaign has endured, partly because it was a jaw-dropper and partly because it offered an early glimpse of what would later be revealed as a deep truth about both his candidacy and his presidency – and even our current world.

Many Jews want Boris Johnson out. But how can we vote for Jeremy Corbyn?

For most progressive-minded, remain-leaning folk, is it even a dilemma? I’m not sure. To them the logic must seem simple and straightforward: they want to eject a cruel and useless government and stop Brexit, and that means denying Boris Johnson a majority and replacing him with Jeremy Corbyn, who will end austerity and hold a second referendum. Job done.

A disgrace? Not at all: we’ll miss this House of Commons

Say it like a catechism, every morning, every evening and twice before meals: no one knows what will happen, no one knows what will happen, no one knows what will happen. This is as unpredictable an election as there’s ever been, with voter volatility at record highs and party allegiance at record lows. No one knows how the divisions within the competing tribes of leave and remain will play out: will Nigel Farage hive off pro-Brexit voters from the Tories and so boost Labour, or could it be the other way around? As the late screenwriter William Goldman so famously said of Hollywood: “Nobody knows anything.”

The question for Labour: why are you sticking with Jeremy Corbyn?

In all this talk of early elections, of dates and delays, there is one common if, for some, uncomfortable premise. It is the constant factor in the calculus run by all the political parties and by the warring factions within them. Put simply, it is the fact that vast swathes of the electorate are unprecedentedly hostile to the idea of making Jeremy Corbyn their prime minister.

For three years we remainers have held our breath. This is the moment our dreams may die

It would be tempting to call this the moment of truth, had truth not been an early casualty of a Brexit saga that was mired in lies and deception from the very start. Even so the Brexit story, which has twisted and tormented this country for the last three and a half years, is at a moment of decision. Outside parliament, hundreds of thousands will gather to make one, possibly last, plea to stay in the European Union. Inside, MPs are due to vote on an agreement that, if it passes, will see us make the break in less than a fortnight – thereby ending British participation in a dream that has animated Europe ever since the final bombs fell in 1945.

Trump’s deal with Erdoğan threatens lives across Europe – and he doesn’t care

Donald Trump is set to face impeachment for a phone call that came to light last month. The crimes he committed in that call were serious and merit the ultimate sanction that can be imposed on a sitting president, namely removal from office. And yet even since that conversation took place, in fact this very week, Trump has had another call that included an act that might not meet the constitutional standard of “high crimes and misdemeanours” and for which he will face no such punishment – but whose consequences will surely be even graver. For they will be measured in life and death.

Peace in Ireland is precious. Brexit has made us forget that

It is one of the stranger aspects of the Brexit debate. When the plea is raised to remember the Good Friday agreement, to do nothing that might jeopardise the fragile peace that has held in Northern Ireland for two decades, that plea usually comes in a continental European accent. Of course, Irish politicians have been saying it loudly from the start, but this week it was striking to hear French, German, Dutch or Belgian voices explaining to British TV and radio audiences why the EU couldn’t possibly accept Boris Johnson’s revised Brexit plan because of the risk it posed to peace in a corner of the United Kingdom where a bloody conflict had raged within recent memory.

Trump and Johnson are getting their comeuppance. But will it make them stronger?

Since 2016, Britain and the United States have grappled with a shared fate, facing down the conjoined twins of populism: Brexit and Trump. This week, at long last, came the first signs of a reckoning. After three years in which the winners of 2016 have mocked, pushed or trampled on the constitutional constraints that sustain a liberal democracy, the constitutions – on both sides of the Atlantic – struck back.